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Free Palestine Movement

Free Palestine Movement

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Free Palestine Movement Home About About FPM Mission Contact What Makes Us Stronger United Nations Accredidation Endorsers Mission Mission Points of Unity 2011 Flotilla Delegation ISM Contingent Donate! Events Projects Gaza By Sea Gaza By Air Return From Exile Jazza For Gaza Take Action ! Become a Volunteer Action Alerts Write Your Public Offiials Donate News More... Links Media Irish Ship to Gaza News Feed Canadian Boat to Gaza News Feed list of 100 Israeli air-force pilots under active duty Monday, November 20, 2023 U.S. Ambassador Samuel Hart William "Jimbo" Simmons Human Rights Leader, American Indian Movement Joe Meadors Veteran & Survivor of USS Liberty Sister Patricia Chaffee Paul Larudee Co-founder Free Palestine Movement The battle for the soul of Alicia Keys - Part 2 There is a problem. You can vote as many times as you want with this poll. This means that one person with an algorithm and access to a dozen computers will be able to generate more than 100,000 responses per day. This is great for BET, because it inflates their hit rate, but it makes the poll meaningless. If we want to, I'm sure that we could also generate hundreds of thousands of responses per day. However, is it worth the effort? How seriously will this poll be taken? Obviously, the Zionists are using their resources to manipulate the poll. If we want to do the same, that's fine, but I'm not sure Alicia Keys will have much confidence in the results. The FPM Team **************************************************************************************** Dear Friends of Palestine, We would not ordinarily bother you for an online poll, but in this case there is more to the story. World wide appeals from Alice Walker, Roger Waters and more than 500 organizations have not yet dissuaded entertainer Alicia Keys from performing in Israel, but the voice of her public might do the trick. Please go to http://www.bet.com/news/global/2013/06/12/poll-should-alicia-keys-perform-in-isreal and vote NO in the poll in the lower right section of the screen. In the early stages, the poll was reading more than 80% NO, but Israel pays teams of web surfers to mobilize other Zionists to give false readings on such polls. It is even possible that multiple voting is allowed. We should at least try to show that the Israeli propaganda machine can be defeated. Will Ms. Keys cancel her performance? It depends upon her sense of social justice but also upon how she thinks it will affect her career. There is no doubt that the poll will be a factor. Thank you for trying. **************************************************************************************** Dispatch #5: 72 prisoners of conscience by Paul Larudee on May 27, 2013 Dear friends, I invite those of you who are Arab to correct me, but my fourteen years of living and working in the Arab world, plus 44 with a Lebanese spouse, have caused me to draw the conclusion that when a request is made - especially by a guest - Arab culture demands that it should not be refused. If, therefore, the host finds it impossible or unacceptable to grant the request, its fulfillment will be deferred indefinitely. I regretfully must conclude that this is what is happening with respect to the request that the Mussalaha Peace and Reconciliation Mission made to the Syrian Minister of Justice on May 9, 2013, to release 72 nonviolent prisoners of conscience. Until now we have heard nothing but silence, which has only increased. The main figures in making the decision are silent and now even the intermediaries are silent. The most powerful part of the Assad regime has always been the security forces, and it is clear that they would prefer to err on the side of what they view as "caution", i.e. to keep "troublemakers" locked up, regardless of whether they are nonviolent or not, and to make an object lesson of them, as well. Security forces anywhere are not known for viewing mercy and generosity as a means of improving security, but rather to maintain tension, fear and a constant threat. I know of no regime on the planet where police forces behave otherwise; it is in their nature. It is only when other elements of a regime are more powerful that moderating influences come to bear and the security forces must take a back seat. In that case, a more nuanced view can prevail and non-security concerns can be given greater consideration, possibly enhancing public security in a way that the security forces alone cannot. However, this is not something we can expect from a security state, which is perhaps the only form of government that is possible in Syria, cynical as this may sound. Certainly, it is hard to imagine anything else emerging from the current regime, and few if any of the armed groups arrayed against it are likely to inaugurate a liberal democracy. The nonviolent resistance groups that attempted to bring about a "Syrian spring" in March of 2011 would be good candidates, but how long would the U.S. and other great powers permit such a democracy to go its own course - potentially in opposition to U.S. policy? History is not kind to such experiments, as Chile, Nicaragua and even the Palestinian Authority have shown. Regrettably, an authoritarian regime is perhaps the only possibility for Syria, in which case the only choice may be between a U.S. puppet state and an independent one that sets its own course, possibly in concert with others that do likewise. Regardless of this, it is for the Syrian people to decide, and it is up to us to respect their choice. The price they pay for a change in their government may be very great, but they are the only ones that can choose to pay it or not. Outside interference can only make that price higher, which is exactly what Syrians are paying now, with their voice hardly being heard at all amongst those of the foreign usurpers, each trying to impose its vision upon the Syrian people. Those of us who view U.S. attempts to coerce the entire world into a support role for U.S. interests (meaning the interests of corporate and other lobbies who run the government for their advantage) as pernicious and destined to promote perpetual war and misery also have limited choices: to support or allow these forces to immiserate us and the rest of the world for their benefit or to combine our forces to prevent and end war and to create a more just and equitable society. In the context of Syria, I believe this means refusing to provide any aid of any kind - lethal or nonlethal - to armed groups in Syria, to assist when possible in ending the violence, and to offer opportunities for Syrians to resolve their own visions for their own future amongst themselves without recourse to violence. These principles were articulated throughout the Mussalaha Peace Mission and in its final declaration. I am proud to have been a part of the delegation and to have shared in the formation of its pronouncements as well. I am also grateful for the fellowship of our dedicated and visionary hosts and the remarkable and diverse delegates from around the world that formed the mission. I believe that that we advanced the cause of peace and reconciliation to a degree that will only be known as further events unfold. This may be the last dispatch in the series, although I will certainly alert you of any new developments with regard to the prisoner situation. The Free Palestine Movement (FPM) and its affiliates and sponsors will now consider a proposal to create a new project for Syria, so as to maintain the original mandate of FPM while following up on the Syria solidarity actions that so many of you supported. With thanks for your continued support, Paul Larudee, for the FPM Team **************************************************************************************** Syria Dispatch #4: Declarations of the delegation; prisoner release by Paul Larudee Friday, May 17th, 2013 After all the delays and rescheduling of the Syria visit, most of my fellow delegates have now returned to their home countries, and are compiling their thoughts, film and photos. Further to the sniper firing at the car transporting Mother Agnes, it apparently happened twice, both coming and going, and as far as she knows, the attack was not directed specifically at her, but rather towards all vehicles, with a view toward making the route impassable. The car was damaged but Mother Agnes is fine. The government has decided not to release all of the 72 prisoners whose names we presented to the Minister of Justice. According to them, some of the prisoners are charged with crimes and will have to stand trial. They have said that they will announce on 20 May which prisoners will be released and when. Obviously, any release is a good thing, but this is not a bold move to show good faith. A bold move would be the dropping of spurious charges against all 72 prisoners and their immediate release. The decision could mean several things: The regime feels that it is in a strong enough position that it does not need to make concessions. The regime considers our delegation too unimportant for such a request and that a more prominent one might have been more successful. The regime considers the detention and imprisonment of leaders of the nonviolent movement to be strategically more to their advantage than their release for the sake of national unity. Of course, it could mean all of these and more. If on Monday we see that twenty or more of the prisoners are being released immediately, we will know that our request had some effect. If all that we see is a list with a lot of future release dates, we most probably had no effect and these dates had already been previously determined. In the fifth and probably last dispatch in this series, I will report to you on the prisoners and other developments, and offer some closing observations. During the visit, I and Canadian delegate Amir Massoumi were tasked with composing two declarations. The first was initially drafted in Lebanon just before leaving for Syria. I drafted the second before leaving, and my colleague Amir completed it later, at the conclusion of the delegation. Declaration of the Mussalaha Delegation to Syria on the Refugee Situation in Lebanon Ð Friday, May 5th, 2013 The summary conclusion of the Mussalaha delegtion is that Syrian refugees in Lebanon are forced to rely mainly on their own resources and Lebanese hospitality, both of which are strained to the limit and portend a humanitarian tragedy when they are exhausted. Lebanon hosts a disproportionate share of refugees in both absolute terms and relative to its population (4.3 million). Reliable numbers are unavailable, but the most commonly quoted refugee figure is one million persons. Since the cause of this crisis is the widespread violence in Syria, we call for an immediate end of all aid Ð lethal and nonlethal Ð to all combatants, an immediate and mutual ceasefire, and immediate negotiations among all the parties without preconditions. With respect to the existing refugees, the lack of aid and support is disgraceful. The UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) claims that normal processing is 31 days, while in fact refugees wait up to four months, often without even tents for shelter. UNHCR also charges a registration fee of $100. UNHCR says that it is overwhelmed and has insufficient resources. It should have facilities ready and waiting for new arrivals, and money should be flowing to the refugees, not from them to UNHCR. In order to make this possible, donor nations should immediately live up to their obligations. However, UNHCR also needs to be fully transparent, including an audit on the use and allocation of resources. A lot of refugee care is happening at the individual level, as generous Lebanese and even Palestinian refugees in their camps open their doors with compassion to accommodate their Syrian brothers and sisters. However, this support is often untenable over the long term and insufficient for the numbers of refugees, leading to makeshift camps that do not meet minimum international standards. These camps often receive no supervision by UNHCR or any other agency for eight months or more. In addition, the refugees become increasingly vulnerable to exploitation, including prostitution and human trafficking. These conditions bring shame to the agencies and committees and their sponsors charged with refugee rights and support. All refugees have a right to the basics of life and safety. They must have immediate access to support services and adequate protection from abuse. Lebanese citizens, Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon, Lebanese charitable institutions and other Lebanese civil society institutions deserve much credit for providing support that the international society has not done. However, a refugee influx of this magnitude is more than any society the size of Lebanon can accommodate without massive aid from the United Nations and its constituent members. It is a matter of urgency for them to make their actions match their words of sympathy and compassion. Mussalaha team members at Baalbek preparing to cross into Syria The Concluding Declaration of the Mussalaha Delegation to Syria Ð Friday, May 10th 2013 Syria exhibits a massive and terrible breakdown of human decency and respect. There are millions of innocent victims and many individual acts of heroism, but amongst the powerful we see an appalling degree of violence, hypocrisy and corruption. Tens of thousands have died, millions have been displaced, and nearly the entire population of 23 million lives in fear. The international community has stated and we confirm that the Syrian tragedy is possibly the worst since World War II. States, political organisations and combatants are the primary causes of the misery, which they pursue for their own advantage, sewing terror and manipulating the suffering to reflect badly on their opponents while all too often refusing to compromise or even talk to each other. These are the findings of our delegation, consisting of 16 human rights activists from seven countries. Over the course of nine days we visited refugee camps, affected communities, religious leaders, combatants, government representatives and many others Ð perpetrators and victims Ð in Syria and Lebanon. We were already horrified by what we knew before coming, but what we have learned as a delegation brings shame to almost everyone involved. We call on the international community to protect the territorial integrity of Syria and to respect the fundamental rights of Syria as a sovereign state. We deplore any intent to breach the integrity of SyriaÕs frontiers or to damage the unity and rich diversity of the Syrian people. We recognise the legitimacy of the aspirations of the Syrian citizens for change, reforms, the eradication of State corruption and the implementation of a democratic life that respects and protects the fundamental rights of all citizens and minorities but we believe that effective and lasting reforms an only be achieved through non-violent means. Our primary appeal is that all countries stop their interference in Syrian affairs Ð more specifically, that they halt the supply of arms and foreign combatants to both sides of the conflict. If foreign countries agree to eliminate the influx of arms and fighters, we are confident that Syrians can find their own solutions to their problems and achieve reconciliation. We unequivocally oppose all aggression and foreign intervention against Syria under any justification. At the same time we appeal to all parties, including the government, to show restraint in response to the provocations that aim to escalate the violence and broaden the conflict. We consider it beyond debate that the Syrian people have the right to determine their own government and their own future. Foreign interference is currently preventing the Syrian people from exercising their right to self-determination. We are concerned that such pernicious intervention is tearing apart the fabric of the country itself, with long-term consequences that can only be imagined. The cautionary example of Iraq serves to remind us of the dire consequences of such international folly. This humanitarian crisis is already spilling into neighbouring countries. A collapse of Syrian society though will destabilise the entire region. We appeal to the international community to show that it can learn from history and make better choices in the case of Syria, which will spare further tragedy for the courageous Syrian people. Secondly, we appeal to the international media to stop the flow of misinformation regarding the Syrian conflict. We believe that every Syrian, both in and outside the country, should be given the right to be heard and we do not see this reflected in the international coverage of this crisis. Thirdly, while we entirely support the embargo on arms, we ask the international community to review and reconsider the crippling sanctions that are taking such a heavy toll on ordinary Syrian people. Fourthly, we urge the international community to take seriously the vast number of refugees and persons who have been internally displaced by this conflict. We look towards the cessation of all violence when these people might be allowed to return to their homes. In the meantime, however, humanitarian aid efforts must be expanded to meet the basic needs of such persons. Our earlier report, the ÒDeclaration of the Mussalaha Delegation to Syria on the Refugee Situation in LebanonÓ, outlines the inadequacies of current refugee programmes. We appreciate that various government authorities have attempted to respond to the refugee crisis. We recognise though that the International Committee of the Red Cross and its affiliates, as well as other humanitarian agencies, must be allowed to set up centres inside Syria to care for internally displaced persons, so as to prevent these displaced persons from fleeing to foreign countries. This work requires immediate and significant funding by the international community. While this will be a costly undertaking, we believe that the costs will in fact be only a fraction of the amount currently being spent on destroying Syria. Finally, we appeal to all parties involved to put an end to all forms of violence and human rights violations Ð actions that target and terrorise innocent civilians and prisoners, indiscriminate terrorist attacks on the civilian population, the unjustified systematic targeting of vital state infrastructures, civilian installations, industrial zones, factories, communication facilities, agriculture reserves, health centres and hospitals, schools and universities, and religious and cultural landmarks Ð all of which results in the transformation of the residential areas into war zones, resulting in the flight of the civilian population. We likewise oppose the use of religious decrees that encourage, trivialise and justify barbarity, rape and terrorism. We appeal to the entire religious community to call the faithful to nonviolence and peacemaking, and to reject all forms of violence and discrimination. We express our admiration and respect for the many Syrian religious leaders who have refused to endorse the use of violence and have dedicated their lives to working for a peaceful solution to this conflict, and we appeal specifically for the immediate release of the two abducted Christian bishops, both of whom were dedicated to the work of peace and reconciliations, as we appeal for the release of all Christian and Muslim clerics and other abducted Syrian citizens. We conclude by commending the work of Mother Agnes Mariam and the Musalaha initiative. We have witnessed their work inside diverse communities across Syria. We offer our unequivocal and ongoing support to these brave people, and we commit ourselves to continue to work alongside them until Syria is truly at peace. We thank the Patriarch, Gregorios III Laham, for his kind invitati

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