“Poland wants war with Germany and Germany will not be able to avoid it even if she wants to.” ~ Polish Marshal Rydz-Smigly as reported in the Daily Mail, August 6th, 1939 “Marsha…
WWII & Danzig | Justice for Germans Justice for Germans Exploring the little known, but true history of National Socialism, Hitler and WWII, what was really behind it, and seeking truth, justice and honour for the German people Skip to content HomeAbout Book Store Donations Interviews Peace Prize Candidate Peacemakers Third Reich War Crimes WWII & Danzig WWII Bombing WWII & Danzig “Poland wants war with Germany and Germany will not be able to avoid it even if she wants to.” ~ Polish Marshal Rydz-Smigly as reported in the Daily Mail, August 6th, 1939 “Marshall Rydz-Smigly lost his bearings. He was last heard of in Czernowitz instead of in Berlin and with him were his whole Government and all the deceivers who drove the Polish people into that act of insanity.” ~ Adolf Hitler, September 19, 1939 What Was Really Behind the German Polish Border Dispute Which Led to WWII Deanna Spingola’s guest, historian Rodney Martin, discussed: what was really behind the German-Polish border dispute, Hitler’s numerous generous offers to Poland for a negotiated settlement which would have averted war, and his many diplomatic initiatives with Britain to help maintain peace and avert war. Martin discusses the atrocities were being committed by the Poles against the minority ethnic Germans in Poland (which the UK, France and USA ignored, and historians, academia, and the media still ignore to this day). He explains why Hitler finally felt compelled to attack Poland, in what he had hoped would be a limited and short lived war, with only a few specific and urgent aims in mind. In spite of Hitler’s appeals for peace and to enlist the aid of Britain and other nations to help settle the dispute diplomatically, the allies lied about Hitler’s intentions, deliberately hid Hitler’s peace proposals from the public, and created a false and unjustified pretext to to attack Germany, and thereby start WWII. Martin addresses who the real war mongers were that really planned for and wanted World War II, and what their agenda was. This show aired live on RBN on Oct-19-2012. This mp3 archive file is edited and commercial free. Audio Playerhttp://archive.org/download/DeannaSpingolaAndRodneyMartin-WhatWasReallyBehindTheGermanPolish_169/DeannaSpingolaAndRodneyMartin-WhatWasReallyBehindTheGermanPolishBorderDisputeWhichLedToWwiiAndWhoTheRealWarMongersWereOct-19-2012.mp300:0000:0000:00Use Up/Down Arrow keys to increase or decrease volume. Download mp3 SEE: What the World Rejected: Hitler’s Peace Offers 1933-1939 and 100 Documents on the Origin of the War (German White Book pdf) VIDEO: Hitler’s Declaration of War Against Poland Full Speech, English Sub-Titles, 25 minutes) Excerpt: “Unsere Ziele: Ich bin entschlossen: Erstens die Frage Danzig, zweitens die Frage des Korridors zu lösen und drittens dafür zu sorgen, dass in Verhältnis Deutschlands zu Polen eine Wendung eintritt, eine Änderung, die ein friedliches Zusammenleben sicherstellt.” “Our goals: I am determined to solve (1) the Danzig question; (2) the question of the Corridor; and (3) to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Poland that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. Ich bin dabei entschlossen, so lange zu kämpfen, bis entweder die derzeitige polnische Regierung geneigt ist, diese Voraussetzung herzustellen, oder bis eine andere polnische Regierung dazu geneigt ist. Ich will von den deutschen Grenzen das Element der Unsicherheit, die Atmosphäre ewiger bürgerkriegsähnlicher Zustände entfernen. Ich will dafür sorgen, dass im Osten der Friede an der Grenze kein anderer ist, als wir ihn an unseren anderen Grenzen kennen.” “In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Polish government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Polish Government is ready to do so. I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers.” “Ich will dabei die notwendigen Handlungen so vornehmen, dass sie nicht dem widersprechen, was ich Ihnen hier, meine Herren Abgeordneten, im Reichstag selbst als Vorschläge an die übrige Welt bekanntgab. Das heißt, ich will nicht den Kampf gegen Frauen und Kinder führen. Ich habe meiner Luftwaffe den Auftrag gegeben, sich auf militärische Objekte bei ihren Angriffen zu beschränken. Wenn aber der Gegner daraus einen Freibrief ablesen zu können glaubt, seinerseits mit umgekehrten Methoden kämpfen zu können, dann wird er eine Antwort erhalten, dass ihm Hören und Sehen vergeht!” “In this I will take the necessary measures to see that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he thinks he can infer ‘carte blanche’ on his side and to fight by the other methods, he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight.” “Polen hat heute nacht zum erstenmal auf unserem eigenen Territorium auch mit bereits regulären Soldaten geschossen. Seit 5.45 Uhr wird jetzt zurückgeschossen! Und von jetzt ab wird Bombe mit Bombe vergolten! Wer mit Gift kämpft, wird mit Giftgas bekämpft. Wer selbst sich von den Regeln einer humanen Kriegsführung entfernt, kann von uns nichts anderes erwarten, als dass wir den gleichen Schritt tun. Ich werde diesen Kampf, ganz gleich, gegen wen, so lange führen, bis die Sicherheit des Reiches und bis seine Rechte gewährleistet sind.” “This night for the first time with Polish ‘regular soldiers’ fired on our territory[*]. Since 5.45 A.M. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met by bombs. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured.” [*there had been numerous previous attacks by the Poles by non-regular forces] UNITING DANZIG WITH GERMANY Speech by the Führer and Reich Chancellor, Adolf Hitler at the Langer Market in Danzig (after the defeat of Poland) Tuesday, September 19, 1939 My Gauleiter! My dear fellow-countrymen and fellow-countrywomen of Danzig! You are not alone in experiencing this moment with the deepest emotion; the whole German nation is experiencing it too. I myself am conscious of the greatness of this hour. For the first time I am treading upon soil of which German settlers had taken possession five hundred years before the first white men settled in what is today New York State. It is thus five hundred years longer that this soil was German, had remained German and will—of this we may all be convinced—remain German. The fate which this town and this beautiful country have experienced has been the fate of the whole of Germany. The World War, the most senseless struggle of all time, numbers this country and this town among its victims, the World War which brought losses to all and gains to none, the World War which after its close must have left every one of us firmly convinced that a similar fate should never overtake us again, and which unfortunately today appears to have been forgotten by the very people who at that time were the main inciters to war and probably also the parties chiefly interested in that universal slaughter. When the murderous conflict of those days, into which Germany entered without any aims of war, came to an end, humanity was to be assured a peace which would lead to a rebirth of justice and thereby to a final abolition of all distress. At Versailles this peace was not put before our nation as a matter for free negotiation, but was forced upon us as a brutal dictate. The progenitors of this peace visualized in it the end of the German nation. There may have been many people who believed that this peace would mean the end of all distress, yet it was only the beginning of new entanglements. There was however one point where those who instigated and ended that war were mistaken. By their peace they did not succeed in solving a single problem, but only created countless new ones. It was only a question of time until the German nation, which they had trampled under foot, would rise up again in order to find, of its own accord, a solution for the problems which had been forced on it. For the essential problem was completely overlooked in those days, namely, the fact that nations happen to exist, irrespective of whether this may or may not suit this or that British war-monger. The fact remains that eighty-two million Germans are united in this living space, and that these eighty-two millions want to live and shall live, even if this should again not happen to suit the war-mongers. The grossest injustice was done to Germany by the Treaty of Versailles. If a statesman of another nation considers himself justified in declaring today that he has no confidence in the word of German statesmen and of the German nation, then we Germans have the right to reply that we lack all confidence in the assurances of those who at that time so miserably broke their most solemn promises. I do not intend to speak about the injustices of Versailles. Perhaps the worst thing in the lives of the nations is not so much the injustice, but the senselessness, the folly, and the utter stupidity with which in those days a peace was imposed upon the world, that completely disregarded all historical, economic, national and political facts. Regulations were arrived at which actually force one to doubt whether the men who perpetrated them were really in their right mind. Devoid of all knowledge of the historical development of these districts, devoid even of all economic understanding, these people juggled about with Europe, tore States apart, divided up countries, suppressed and handed over nations, destroyed culture. This land, too, was a victim of that madness and the Polish State itself a product of this folly. What Germany had to sacrifice for this Polish State the world probably does not know. One thing only I should like to declare here: The development of all the territories which were at that time incorporated into Poland is entirely due to German energy, German industry, and German creative work. They owe their cultural importance exclusively to the German nation. At that time the pretext for rending more than a whole province from the Reich and for allocating it to this new Polish State was that it was a matter of racial necessity. Actually the plebiscite held at a later date showed in every case that nobody really had any desire to be incorporated in this Polish State. This same Poland which owes its existence to the supreme sacrifice of countless German regiments, expanded, without regard for reason or economic considerations, at the expense of territory in which Germans had settled centuries ago. One thing has been clearly proved during the last twenty years. The Poles, who were not responsible for the introduction of this culture, were not even able to preserve it. It has become evident once more that only those who are themselves gifted with creative power are capable of sustained and genuine cultural achievement. Another fifty years of Polish rule would have sufficed to reduce once more to barbarism these districts which Germans by their painstaking efforts and zeal had redeemed from a state of savagery. Symptoms of such a relapse and decay were already apparent everywhere. Yet Poland herself was a State composed of various nationalities; that very thing was created which had been regarded as a primary fault in the old Austrian State. Actually, Poland never was a democracy. An infinitesimal, degenerate upper class ruled not only over foreign nationalities, but also over what they called their own people. It was a State ruled by brute force, by the police and, as a last resort, also by the army. The lot of the Germans in this country was terrible. There is a considerable difference whether a people of inferior cultural importance has the misfortune of being ruled over by culturally superiors or whether a people with higher cultural standards has to endure the tragic fate of having to submit to a rule of violence inflicted by an inferior people, for this inferior people will develop all kinds of inferiority complexes and the reaction will make them turn against the superior and cultured people whom they will cruelly and barbarously ill-treat. The Germans have had to endure this fate for close on twenty years. There is no need for me to describe in detail the lot of the Germans. It was, as I have already emphasized, both tragic and deplorable. Nevertheless, here as in every other instance I tried to reach a settlement which might have led to an equitable compromise. I once did my best to achieve a final settlement of the frontiers, first in the West and later in the South of the Reich, to eliminate the element of danger in the provinces concerned and to secure peace in the future. I did my utmost to achieve the same here. At that time there was in Poland a man whose insight and energy were incontestable. I succeeded in coming to an agreement with the late Marshall Pilsudski, which was intended to pave the way towards a peaceful understanding between the two nations, an agreement which, from the outset, did not sanction anything that was created by the Treaty of Versailles, but which endeavored to lay at least the foundations for a reasonable and tolerable side-by-side existence by completely ignoring that treaty. As long as the Marshall was alive it seemed as if this attempt might indeed lead to an improvement of the tense situation. Immediately after his death, however, an intensified anti-German campaign began. This campaign, which took numerous and varied forms, embittered and complicated the relations between the two nations in an increasing degree. In the long run it was extremely difficult to look on patiently while in a neighboring country, whose very existence had caused grievous harm to Germany, the German minorities were being persecuted in the most barbarous way. The world, ready to shed tears whenever a Polish Jew who immigrated into Germany only a comparatively short time ago is turned out—this same world remained absolutely deaf to the sufferings of those who, in compliance with the Treaty of Versailles, were forced to leave their native land not by the thousand, but by the million. The world was deaf for the simple reason that they were Germans. The fact, which for all of us was not only depressing, but at the same time infuriating, was that we had to submit to all this at the hands of a State which was vastly inferior to us. After all Germany was undeniably a Great Power, even though a few madmen believed that they could abolish the vital rights of a great nation by means of an insane or an enforced treaty. How could a Great Power like Germany be expected to look on how a much inferior people and a much inferior State maltreated Germans in these territories? Two conditions in particular were quite unbearable. Firstly, a city, whose German character could not be contested by anyone, was not only prevented from finding its way back to the Reich, but an attempt was also made to colonize it systematically and gradually by a thousand means and ways. Secondly, communication with a province separated from the German Reich was interfered with by all kinds of petty chicanes or made dependent on the benevolent attitude of the Polish State. No other power in the world would have put up with such conditions for so long a time as Germany did. I cannot imagine what England for instance would have said to a similar solution, purporting to establish peace at her expense, or how France or the United States of America would have accepted such a solution. I tried to find ways and means for a bearable solution of this problem also. These endeavors I submitted in the form of verbal proposals to the former Polish rulers. With these proposals you are all familiar; they were more than reasonable. I attempted to arrive at an understanding doing justice to our desire to re-establish a connection between East Prussia and the Reich, and the desire of the Poles to retain access to the sea. Above all, I tried to find a synthesis between the German character of the city of Danzig and its firm resolve to return to the German Reich, on the one hand, and the economic demands of the Poles, on the other. I consider myself justified in saying that at that time I was more than modest. There were moments when I reflected and asked myself over and over again whether before my own people I could take the responsibility of submitting such proposals for a solution to the Polish Government. My only reason for doing so was that I was anxious to spare both the German and the Polish peoples the sufferings resulting from another conflict. During the course of this spring I have again repeated this offer in the most concrete form. Danzig was to return to the Reich. An exterritorial road was to be built to East Prussia—at our expense of course. In return Poland was to receive the most extensive Free Port rights, and similar exterritorial access. I, on the other hand, on top of that, was prepared to guarantee the existing frontiers, hardly bearable as they were, and finally to let Poland participate in guaranteeing the safety of Slovakia. I cannot imagine what a state of mind the Polish Government was in when it rejected these proposals. I do know, however, that untold millions of Germans gave a sigh of relief because they were of the opinion that in making those proposals I had gone too far. Poland’s reply was to order the first mobilization, immediately followed by ferocious terrorism. My request to the then Polish Foreign Minister to visit me in Berlin in order to discuss this question with me once more was rejected. Instead of coming to Berlin, he went to London! There followed those weeks and months of ever-increasing threats, threats hard to bear for a small State, but absolutely unbearable in the long run for any Great Power. In Polish papers we could read that Danzig was not the problem, but rather East Prussia, and that Poland ought to annex East Prussia before long. These threats finally went into extremes. Other Polish papers declared that even East Prussia meant no solution of the problem, but that Pomerania too ought under all circumstances to become a part of Poland, and finally it was declared doubtful whether the Oder would do as a boundary because in reality the natural Polish boundary was not the Oder but the Elbe! The only thing about which people racked their brains was whether our army was to be torn to shreds this side or the other side of Berlin. A Polish general who has now miserably left his army in the lurch, declared that he would hack Germany and the German army to pieces. Simultaneously a veritable martyrdom began for our German brothers in Poland. Tens of thousands of them were brutally driven away, maltreated or put to death in the cruelest manner; sadistic maniacs gave way to their perverse instincts, and the pious democratic world looked on calmly without raising a finger. SEE: Polish Atrocities Against the German Minority in Poland I have often asked myself the question: Who can have blinded Poland? Did they really think that the German nation would for any length of time tolerate such behavior on the part of so ludicrous a State? Evidently it was believed, because from a certain quarter the Poles were told that it might be possible; from the same quarter where the chief war-mongers have sat not just for the last … truncated (49,850 more characters in archive)