.
.
Some History
If one follows the presentation of J. D. Bruzkus, respected Jewish author of
the mid
20th century, a certain part of the Jews from Persia moved across the Derbent Pass
to the lower Volga where Atil [west coast of Caspian on Volga delta], the capital city of
the
Khazarian Khanate rose up starting 724 AD. The tribal princes of the Turkish Khazars,
at the
time still idol-worshippers, did not want to accept either the Muslim faith – lest they
should be subordinated to the caliph of Baghdad – nor to Christianity – lest they come under
vassalage to the Byzantine emperor; and so the clan went over to the Jewish faith in 732.
But there was also a Jewish colony in the Bosporan Kingdom [on the Taman Peninsula
at east end of the Crimea, separating the Black Sea from the Sea of Azov] to which Hadrian
had
Jewish captives brought in 137, after the victory over Bar-Kokhba. Later a Jewish
settlement
sustained itself without break under the Goths and Huns in the Crimea;
especially Kaffa (Feodosia)
remained Jewish. In 933 Prince Igor [912-945, Grand Prince
of Kiev, successor of Oleg, regent
after death of Riurik founder of the Kiev Kingdom in 862]
temporarily possessed Kerch, and his
son Sviatoslav [Grand Prince 960-972] [G14] wrested
the Don region from the Khazars. The Kiev
Rus already ruled the entire Volga region
including Atil in 909, and Russian ships appeared
at Samander [south of Atil on the west
coast of the Caspian]. Descendents of the Khazars were
the Kumyks in the Caucasus.
In the Crimea, on the other hand, they combined with
the Polovtsy [nomadic Turkish
branch from central Asia, in the northern Black Sea area and
the Caucasus since the
10th century; called Cuman by western historians; see second map, below]
to form the
Crimean Tatars. (But the Karaim [a jewish sect that does not follow the Talmud]
and
Jewish residents of the Crimean did not go over to the Muslim Faith.) The Khazars were
finally conquered [much later] by Tamerlane [or Timur, the 14th century conqueror].
A few researchers however hypothesize (exact proof is absent) that the Hebrews had wandered
to some extent through the south Russian region in west and northwest direction. Thus
the Orientalist and Semitist Abraham Harkavy for example writes that the Jewish congregation
in the future Russia “emerged from Jews that came from the Black Sea coast and from
the
Caucasus, where their ancestors had lived since the Assyrian and Babylonian captivity.”
J. D. Bruzkus also leans to this perspective. (Another opinion suggests it is the remnant o
the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel.) This migration presumably ended after the conquest of
Tmutarakans
[eastern shore of the Kerch straits, overlooking the eastern end of the
Crimean Peninsula; the
eastern flank of the old Bosporan Kingdom] (1097) by the Polovtsy.
According to
Harkavy’s opinion the vernacular of these Jews at least since the ninth
century was Slavic,
and only in the 17th century, when the Ukrainian Jews fled from the
pogroms of Chmelnitzki [Bogdan
Chmelnitzki, Ukrainian Cossack, 1593-1657, led the
successful Cossack rebellion against Poland
with help from the Crimean Tatars], did
Yiddish become the language of Jews in Poland.
[G15] In various manners the Jews also came to Kiev and settled there. Already under
Igor, the lower part of the city was called “Kosary”; in 933 Igor brought Jews that had
been taken captive in Kerch. Then in 965 Jews taken captive in the Crimea were brought
there; in 969 Kosaren from Atil and Samander, in 989 from Cherson and in 1017 from
Tmutarakan.
In Kiev western Jews also emerged.: in connection with the caravan traffic
from west to east,
and starting at the end of the eleventh century, maybe on account of the
persecution in Europe
during the first Crusade.
Later researchers confirm likewise that in the 11th century,
the “Jewish element” in Kiev
is to be derived from the Khazars. Still earlier,
at the turn of the 10th century the presence
of a “khazar force and a khazar garrison,”
was chronicled in Kiev. And already “in the first
half of the 11th century the jewish-khazar
element in Kiev played “a significant
roll.” In the 9th and 10th century, Kiev was
multinational and tolerant.
At the end of the 10th century, in the time when Prince
Vladimir [Vladimir I. Svyatoslavich
980-1015, the Saint, Grand Prince of Kiev] was choosing
a new faith for the Russians,
there were not a few Jews in Kiev, and among them were found educated
men that
suggested taking on the Jewish faith. The choice fell out otherwise than it had 250
hears
earlier in the Khazar Kingdom. Karamsin [1766-1826, Russian historian] relates it like
this:
“After he (Vladimir) had listened to the Jews, he asked where their
homeland was.
‘In Jerusalem,’ answered the delegates, ‘but God has chased
us in his anger and
sent us into a foreign land.’ ‘And you, whom God has punished,
dare to teach others?’
said Vladimir. ‘We do not want to lose our fatherland like
you have.’” After the Christianization
of the Rus, according to Bruzkus, a portion
of the Khazar Jews in Kiev also went over to
Christianity and afterwards in Novgorod perhaps
one of them – Luka Zhidyata – was even one
of the first bishops and spiritual writers.
Christianity and Judaism being side-by-side in Kiev inevitably led to the learned zealously
contrasting them. From that emerged the work significant to Russian literature, “Sermon
on Law and Grace” ([by Hilarion, first Russian Metropolitan] middle 11th century), which
contributed to the settling of a Christian consciousness for the Russians that lasted for
centuries. [G16] “The polemic here is as fresh and lively as in the letters of the apostles.”
In any case, it was the first century of Christianity in Russia. For the Russian neophytes
of
that time, the Jews were interesting, especially in connection to their religious presentation,
and
even in Kiev there were opportunities for contact with them. The interest was
greater than later
in the 18th century, when they again were physically close.
Then, for more than
a century, the Jews took part in the expanded commerce of Kiev.
“In the new city wall
(completed in 1037) there was the Jews’ Gate, which closed in the
Jewish quarter.”
The Kiev Jews were not subjected to any limitations, and the princes
did not handle themselves
hostilely, but rather indeed vouchsafed to them protection,
especially Sviatopolk Iziaslavich
[Prince of Novgorod 1078-1087, Grand Prince of Kiev
1093-1113], since the trade and enterprising
spirit of the Jews brought the princes
financial advantage.
In 1113, Vladimir (later called “Monomakh”), out of qualms of conscience, even
after
the death of Sviatopolk, hesitated to ascend the Kiev Throne prior to one of the
Svyatoslavich’s,
and “exploiting the anarchy, rioters plundered the house of the regimental
commander Putiata
and all Jews that had stood under the special protection of the greedy
Sviatopolk in the capital
city. … One reason for the Kiev revolt was apparently the usury
of the Jews: probably,
exploiting the shortage of money of the time, they enslaved the
debtors with exorbitant interest.”
(For example there are indications in the “Statute” of
Vladimir Monomakh that Kiev
money-lenders received interest up to 50% per annum.)
Karamsin therein appeals
to the Chronicles and an extrapolation by Basil Tatistcheff
[1686-1750; student of Peter the
Great, first Russian historian]. In Tatistcheff we find moreover:
“Afterwards they clubbed
down many Jews and plundered their houses, because they had
brought about many sicknesses to
Christians and commerce with them had brought about
great damage. Many of them, who had gathered
in their synagogue seeking protection,
defended themselves, as well as they could, and redeemed
time until Vladimir would arrive.”
But when he had come, “the Kievites pleaded with
him for retribution toward the [G17] Jews,
because they had taken all the trades from Christians
and under Sviatopolk had had
much freedom and power…. They had also brought many over
to their faith.”
According to M. N. Pokrovski, the Kiev Pogrom of 1113 had
social and not national character.
(However the leaning of this “class-conscious”
historian toward social interpretations is well-known.)
After he ascended to the
Kiev throne, Vladimir answered the complainants, “Since
many [Jews] everywhere have received
access to the various princely courts and have
migrated there, it is not appropriate for me,
without the advice of the princes, and moreover
contrary to right, to permit killing and plundering
them. Hence I will without delay call
the princes to assemble, to give counsel.” In the
Council a law limiting the interest was
established, which Vladimir attached to Yaroslav’s
“Statute.” Karamsin reports, appealing
to Tatistcheff, that Vladimir “banned
all Jews” upon the conclusion of the Council, “and
from that time forth there were
none left in our fatherland.” But at the same time he
qualifies: “in the Chronicles
in contrast it says that in 1124 the Jews in Kiev died [in a
great fire]; consequently, they
had not been banned.” (Bruzkus explains, that it “was a
whole Quarter in the best
part of the city… at the Jew’s Gate next to the Golden Gate.”)
At
least one Jew enjoyed the trust of Andrei Bogoliubskii [or Andrey Bogolyubsky] in
Vladimir.
“Among the confidants of Andrei was a certain Ephraim Moisich, whose
patronymic Moisich
or Moisievich indicates his jewish derivation,” and who according
to the words of the
Chronicle was among the instigators of the treason by which Andrei
was murdered. However there
is also a notation that says that under Andrei Bogoliubskii
“many Bulgarians and Jews
from the Volga territory came and had themselves baptized”
and that after the murder of
Andrei his son Georgi fled to a jewish Prince in Dagestan.
In any case the information
on the Jews in the time of the
Suzdal Rus is scanty, as their numbers were obviously small.
[G18] The “Jewish Encyclopedia” notes that in the Russian heroic songs (Bylinen) the
“Jewish Czar” – e.g. the warrior Shidowin in the old Bylina about Ilya and Dobrin’a –
is
“a favorite general moniker for an enemy of the Christian faith.” At the same
time it could
also be a trace of memories of the struggle against the Khazars. Here, the religious
basis
of this hostility and exclusion is made clear. On this basis, the Jews were not permitted
to settle in the Muscovy Rus.
The invasion of the Tatars
portended the end of the lively commerce of the Kiev Rus,
and many Jews apparently went to Poland.
(Also the jewish colonization into Volhynia
and Galicia continued, where they had scarcely
suffered from the Tatar invasion.) The
Encyclopedia explains: “During the invasion of
the Tatars (1239) which destroyed Kiev,
the Jews also suffered, but in the second half of the
13th century they were invited by
the Grand Princes to resettle in Kiev, which found itself
under the domination of
the Tatars. On account of the special rights, which were also granted
the Jews in other
possessions of the Tatars, envy was stirred up in the town residents against
the Kiev Jews.”
Similar happened not only in Kiev, but also in the cities
of North Russia, which “under the
Tatar rule, were accessible for many [Moslem? see note
1] merchants from Khoresm or
Khiva, who were long since experienced in trade and the tricks
of profit-seeking.
These people bought from the Tatars the principality’s
right to levy Tribute, they demanded
excessive interest from poor people and, in case of their
failure to pay, declared the
debtors to be their slaves, and took away their freedom. The residents
of Vladimir,
Suzdal, and Rostov finally lost their patience and rose up together at the pealing
of the Bells against these usurers; a few were killed and the rest chased off.” A punitive
expedition of the Khan against the mutineers was threatened, which however was hindered
via the mediation of Alexander Nevsky. “In the documents of the 15th century,
Kievite
[G19] jewish tax-leasers are mentioned, who possessed a significant fortune.”
Comment to Two Hundred Years Together:
From the Beginnings in Khazaria
We have all heard of the Khazars, and how the majority of Ashkenazi jews probably descend
from them, but it is fascinating to see that history given a time and place, and fleshed out.
Harkavy’s thesis that the caspian jews were from the ten lost tribes or the remnant of the
not-lost two tribes seems either implausible or self-defeating to me. (1) Why would those
people
have lost their collective memory of who they were? If it is claimed that they did
remember,
then why did they not write it down (genealogies, etc.)? (2) On the other hand,
if they were
descended from exiled Israel, but lost all continuity with the same, in what
sense should they
be regarded as jews? That is racism in the only form that the term
makes any sense, but which
still celebrates an absurdity: namely, thinking that mere
blood, without any inherited culture,
character, or accomplishment, grants one solidarity.
It is also interesting to
see how in relatively recent history (yes I know, I must be weird
to think of 1000 AD as “recent”)
we can observe the formation of brand-new ethnic
groups from a combination of migration and
marriage, the turkish Cuman tribe
for example becoming the partially european yet distinct tribe
of Crimean Tatars.
In this regard, it is also fascinating to see that the majority
of modern-day jews are essentially a branch of the Turks.